Addressing the possibility of the GOP-led Congress not voting to raise the debt ceiling, Austan Goolsbee, President Obama’s top economic adviser, histrionically asserted this month: “This is not a game. The debt ceiling is not something to toy with. If we hit the debt ceiling, that’s . . . essentially defaulting on our obligations, which is totally unprecedented in American history. The impact on the economy would be catastrophic.”

In context, his comments are more than a bit hypocritical.

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Key words: next year. Not 2012, and certainly not 2013.

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What our great nation just watched was the Democratic Party preview its political strategy for the next two years. It also watched a united Senate GOP defeat that approach, though not before a handful of Republicans considered walking straight into the Democratic trap. The whole episode was an early peek at the GOP’s biggest challenge going forward.

That challenge is, as it always is, spending. Republicans lost in 2006 primarily because of their profligacy, and they won this year primarily because they swore off that profligacy. It’s that simple—and don’t think Democrats don’t know it. President Obama, Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi understand that the surest, quickest and most delicious way to undermine their opponents is to tempt them into renouncing their own promises of fiscal responsibility. The added beauty is that Democrats continue to get exactly what they want: bigger government.

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Today’s auction of 10- and 30-year US Treasury notes and bonds won’t tell us as much about the US economy as auctions used to — because the Federal Reserve has started buying up the notes as part of Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke’s “quantitative easing” effort.

Until recently, a plentitude of bidders for long-term US government debt was a sign the US economy was strong. But Bernanke is buying that debt in what he says is an effort to make the economy stronger.

This has a lot of people nervous — and the news that the Fed may spend up to $800 billion on this, rather than the $600 billion figure initially given, doesn’t help.

Even if the purpose is to stimulate the economy, increase stock prices and lower interest rates, the effect of Bernanke’s policy may be monetizing the nation’s growing debt — printing new money to finance deficit spending.

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WASHINGTON—Eighteen months after President Barack Obama administered a massive dose of spending increases and tax cuts to a weak economy, a brawl has broken out among economists and politicians about whether fiscal-stimulus medicine is curing the illness or making it worse.

The debate is more than academic. It is shaping congressional decisions on whether to respond to the distressing prognosis for the U.S. economy with more government spending or a dose of deficit reduction.

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When times are hard financially, families frequently let their credit card balance expand. But they also slash expenses to meet their new financial situation. They stop going out for dinner, for instance, or take their vacation locally instead of abroad. They might even downsize their house.

When economies fall into recession, governments too tend to let their “credit card balances” expand: Their budget deficits explode. Slashing spending, though, is regarded as a step too far.

The U.S. government is not the exception that proves the rule. During the economic crisis of the past 18 months, Washington has increased its deficit fast and hard. According to the Congressional Budget Office, the deficit grew from 1.2 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2007 to 10 percent in 2010—roughly $1.4 trillion. Meanwhile, the consensus on both the right and the left seems to be that cutting spending is simply impossible.

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That’s what happened Sunday, when leaders of President Obama’s deficit commission offered up the darkest of outlooks for our financial future — calling current trends in U.S. budgets a “cancer” that will “destroy the country from within” unless halted soon.

Pretty sobering words. Let’s hope Rahm “Never Waste A Good Crisis” Emanuel is unable to find something to exploit there. But in case Democrats in the White House and Congress think this is their golden chance to raise taxes and permanently increase the size of government, they should think again.

“We can’t tax our way out,” admitted Erskine Bowles, co-chairman of Obama’s deficit commission and formerly President Clinton’s chief of staff. “We’ve got to cut spending or increase revenues or do some combination of that.”

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While there was an agreement among developed nations at the Group of 20 summit to halve their annual deficits within three years, Obama continued his expansionist call for spending. Yet his solutions for the economy are mired in spending money we don’t have — running up the nation’s credit card.

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An urgency to rein in budget deficits seems to be gaining some traction among American lawmakers. If so, it is none too soon. Perceptions of a large U.S. borrowing capacity are misleading.

Despite the surge in federal debt to the public during the past 18 months—to $8.6 trillion from $5.5 trillion—inflation and long-term interest rates, the typical symptoms of fiscal excess, have remained remarkably subdued. This is regrettable, because it is fostering a sense of complacency that can have dire consequences.

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